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Events of Alexandria: Underlyings and Rebuttal Strategies
EOHR Report on Events of Alexandria
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6/11/2005
Introduction:
In Egypt, forms of sectarian tensions ebb and flow now and then. First there was the "First Kusheh Case" then the "Second Kusheh Case", "Abu Qurqas Case", the "Excommunicated Priest Case", that of the converted priest's wife, and then, finally, the events of Alexandria. The latter has been escalated when a CD-loaded play, I's Blind, Now I'm Enlightened, was widely distributed. The play was showed a couple of years ago and only for one single night at Mary Gerges Church in Alexandria. An interpretation went that the play abuses Muslims and Islam alike. Violence broke out so the public scene would seem as though there were direct confrontation between Christians and Muslims-not as a protest against those who made it.
The final result: A confrontation between street vulgarities and religious extremisms usurping moderate religion's mantle.
Such sectarian differences recur over and again-now more rapidly. This may be attributed to a host of reasons. First, there is no specific, nation-wide strategy to handle such recurrent differences. Second, each party, Muslim or Christian, whose role is of paramount importance in this context, blames the other party for whatever happens without cautiously examining, nay regarding his role, well-meaninglessly or ill-intentionally. Consequently, there is no one reason behind all this, but cumulative ones that remain in the dark or only handled irresolutely by the state.
Moreover, the sectarian differences do raise the religious freedom question. Religious freedom is defined as man's freedom to believe in whatever religion or adopt whatever creed; his right to perform his religious rituals freely and publicly; his right to advocate his belief publicly and peacefully; and, more importantly, his right to convert without being threatened by and/or alienated from the society; or his conversion being a reason for an unending concocted crisis within and between religious institutions unless his reneging on the new belief.
"Events of Alexandria: Underlyings and Rebuttal Strategies" comes to detail on reasons, lay out curative measures so such sectarian events would not recur. The report also documents eyewitness testimonies, complaints filed by relatives to those arrested during the events. Recommendations epilogue the report.
First, a background on the events.
Beginnings:
Scene I
Summer 2003. Mary Gerges Orthodox Church, Moharam Bey Street, Alexandria. The choir performs IDokki, Agouza, Maadi, Basateen and Kerdasa Constituencies are Blind, now I'm Enlightened: One Christian guy converts to Islam, only to renege on it to Christianity. Part of documenting the choir's activities, the play is camcorded.
Scene II
First of Ramadan/ fall 2005. Cairo University. Some youth handing out CDs enclosed in "Ramadan's Gift". College students circulate the CD thinking it contains Ramadan's timetable or something related to the holy month-only to find out that the CD contains a 2003 Mary Gerges Orthodox Church production: I's Blind, Now I'm Enlightened. Using Internet Chat Rooms, college students converse on the CD: How some acts contain what may be interpreted as degrading Islam and Prophet Mohamed (Peace Be Upon Him). The CD reaches Al-Mansoura University. Two independent papers get copies of the CD and transcribe the dialogue. Some youth photocopy published transcripts and distribute them widely.
Scene III
Friday 14th October 2005. Night. Awlad Al-Sheik (Sheik's Sons) Mosque, Moharam Bey Street, Alexandria. The Imam has just finished the Taraweeh (vigil) prayer. Prayers head off to Mary Gerges Orthodox Church, separated by a mere ten-meter wide street from the Mosque.
Security forces cordon off the Church, which closes off. Prayers start demonstrating and are joined by citizens. Demonstrators are as high as 5,000.persons, all yelling out and asking for holding the play producers accountable and to apologize as appropriate.
The Imam interferes in order to pacify demonstrators. Non-official figures join in pacification efforts so that demonstrators may disperse provided that those responsible are held accountable, and only if the play can be interpreted as degrading Islam. Demonstrators abide by in the hope that investigations are carried on and agree that, if no appropriate measures are taken, they will take to streets on Friday 21st October 2005. Between Friday 14th October 2005 and Friday 21st October 2005 officials take no tangible steps to assuage tensions save for an Iftar (breakfast) event attended by Dr. Mohamed Sayed Tantawy, Al-Azhar Grand Sheik, Pope Shinuda, Pope of Alexandria, and some political leaders in addition to communiqués released by the Egyptian Mufti in which he declares: "There is no proof that any anti-Islam Cds exists."
Events develop when on Wednesday 19th October 2005 a Mohamed Al-Sayed Ahmed Hasounah (18), unemployed, stabbed Sarah Rushdy Sidhoum (40), nun, of Saint Dimyanah Abbey while standing in front of Mary Gerges Church. On escaping, Hasounah injured Mr. Kamal Elias (61), solicitor, who is nearby. Security forces in the area arrest Hasounah who is referred to prosecution. The incident is recorded Moharam Bey Misdemeanours 37327 (2005). The defendant points out in preliminary investigations that he has done it under the influence of what has been circulated and published.
Friday 21st October 2005. Quite early in the morning the security forces brace for cordoning off Awlad Al-Sheik Mosque and Mary Gerges Church area. By and by, as the Friday prayer approaches, security forces block Moharam Bey Street and close off Egypt Railway Station. Young prayers are denied entrance to the Mosque and only women, the elderly, and kids are permitted in-which provokes prayers. After prayers, young prayers assemble in front of the Church. Their numbers are as high as 5,000.
The demonstrators attempt breaking in, but security forces interfere and release tear gas bombs and fire rubber bullets. In retaliation, demonstrators throw stones at the security forces and the Church, the stones being brought from under the Metro Line. Confrontations last for over four hours.
Following Taraweeh prayer, same day, thousands of citizens assemble and circle the Church, throwing stones at both Church and security forces that retaliate with tear bombs and rubber bullets, leading to many being injured and three deaths.
Confrontations between demonstrators and security forces proceed to other streets branching of f from Moharam Street. Demonstrators break liquor stores and other shops owned by Copts. Three cars are burned out: Alexandria Prive (421146), Alexandria Taxi (148450), and Fiat 128 (6613). At Ibn Zahroun Street, Gabriel-Moharam Bey area, where
the Anglican Church exists. Demonstrators also attempt to break in.
On Isis Street, demonstrators break Isis Hospital façade as well as Dr. Sameh William's Pharmacy. Security forces continue to chase off demonstrators until the latter stop on Saturday 22nd October 2005 at 2:00 a.m. Following Taraweeh prayer at Awlad Al-Sheik Mosque, prayers attempt to assemble; however, security forces disperse them so their assembly does not last more than five minutes.
Security forces arrest about 107 demonstrators whom are referred to prosecution in order to be investigated. The public prosecution levels the following accusations against the defendants:
1. Blocking public transportation;
2. Authority resistance;
3. Unauthorised assembly and rioting; and
4. Encroaching upon public and private properties.
Investigation is carried on with the defendants on Saturday 22nd October 2005. The public prosecution orders the defendants be incarcerated 15 days pending investigations.
On Saturday 22nd October 2005, evening, non-official parties attempt contain the deteriorating situation. A demonstration within Geit Al-Enab (Grape's Field) composed of Muslims and Christians is organised, people calling for abandoning sectarian sedition.
"We appeal to every body to calm down so the gifts of peace, safety, and love prevail among us."
Joint communiqué of Al-Azhar Grand Sheik and Pope Shinuda
Al-Goumhorya (The Republic) paper, 10-23-2005
Eyewitness Testimonies
1. Dr. Illishaa Badari Mansour
"I've come to know a while ago that there'd be a demonstration in front of [the
Mary Gerges Orthodox] Church on Friday. That's why the youth meeting, a regular meeting for so many years and which I've been heading since 1977, was cancelled. I preferred to stay home and not to go to [Isis] hospital lest I should be hurt. At 1:30 a.m., I got an unexpected call from Dr. Mahmoud Abdel Megeed, Reception Doctor at the hospital, and George Iskander, a security staff, telling me there are huge assemblies in front of the hospital, that the security forces are close to the hospital and have ordered them close the external, steel gate, stay inside, and that no one employee in the hospital or a patient should get out lest he gets hurt. The demonstrators kept repeating hostile statements, dashed off toward the external gate trying to break in; and they threw stones. That completely damaged the ground and upper front glass as well as some Ophthalmology and Dentistry Departments' equipments. Right after that, the demonstrators headed off to Dr. Sameh William's Pharmacy, a private one, and they broke the façade, two sections full of drugs, all stolen or damaged, at 7500 Egyptian pounds."
2. Dr. Abdul Rahman Kamal
"On Friday 21st October 2005, following Friday prayer, some prayers from Awlad Al-Sheik Mosque, one of the biggest mosques in Moharam Bey area, demonstrated, repeating hostile statements. The police tried dispersing them, which only led to many being injured differentially. So, every body went away. However, demonstrators re-gathered after Taraweeh prayer at Awlad Al-Sheik Mosque, so close to Mary Gerges Church; they were more than 5,000. Security forces tried dispersing them using tear gas bombs and rubber bullets [Rubber bullets are compressed, plastic bullets placed in groups inside a cartridge, and, if fired, they rest just under skin; however, they are so harmful as to cause death or paralysis, if fired at a short distance]. The Republic Hospital received that day causalities who were cared for in Emergency Reception Department and External Clinics. However, the latter cannot be counted precisely; they are listed as patients entering there, among others. Only those who were not received by the Emergency or External Departments can be figured out; they were as high as 22, some of whom are conscripts besides four women, their case being so severe that they had to stay longer. Some, however, were referred to the Governmental Hospital where each can find appropriate care for his/her case.
All left hospital on Saturday and Sunday. Finally, I'd like to say that the majority of the doctors involved in this were Christian brethren."
3. Safwat Salah
"Every one who happened to follow up on Moharam Bey incidents before Friday 21st October 2005 was so sure a huge demonstration would break out that day. SMS messages were exchanged, calling for a demonstration on Friday; why, security forces were well aware of it. So, both Awlad Al-Sheik Mosque and Mary Gerges Church were cordoned off so Moharam Bey was much like a barracks. Such intensive security presence was all the more provocative to demonstrators. Expectedly, demonstrations broke out right after Friday prayer to which security forces retaliated releasing tear gas bombs, whereupon demonstrators throw stones they brought from under metro rails at them. Once more, demonstrators gathered after Taraweh prayer, same day, now in larger numbers. They began throwing stones at the Church and security forces, who cordoned off the Church lest demonstrators broke in.
Meanwhile, some demonstrators smashed shops' fronts on side streets. But then there's one extremely important point: Only shops bearing likely Christian names were vandalised such as Milad's Roastery, whereas a diary store just next to it was not since its name did not sound Christian enough. Well, this only shows that demonstrators are not Moharam Bey area residents, nay even Alexandria. In any case, vandalism was not confined to Mary Girgis Church, but it moved to other nearby churches such as The Anglican Church on Ibn Zahroun Street, irrelevant as it was to the events, Priest Tekla Church of Ibrahimia, and some other areas in Geit Al-Enab.
Strangely enough was how security forces handled the whole situation. For when a group of politicians and intellectuals decide to carry on a demonstration to express their opinions, security forces tighten their iron hand and block citizens' way so they cannot reach demonstrators. However, in Friday's events, it was a completely different story. Though more of rioting than peaceful demonstrations, security forces loosened their hand under their own watchful eye so much so that demonstrators were only thirty, and they were joined by others, that the whole situation got out of control. Only then security forces showed the other face and cracked down."
4. Moataz Al-Shinawy
"Journalist Moataz Al-Shinawy claimed that most of the demonstrators were not Alexandria residents: Some came from Al-Bihira, some from Al-Mansoura, and others from Cairo most of whom had not watched the play, but they might have heard or read something in papers about it."
5. Ismail Mohamed
"Interestingly enough is the role security forces played. First, they provoked Muslims when they cordoned off Awlad Al-Sheik Mosque thus shutting prayers off, especially youth, from the mosque, and allowed only the elderly, women in. Then, after prayer, when demonstrators were just assembling, security's hand was so loose that all run amok. So weird! Strangely enough, though, security forces turned bloody as though they were pulling strings behind the scenes all along."
6. Ahmed Abdel Moneim Ramadan
"Throughout her long history, Alexandria has never seen the like of these events, not even Al-Zawya Al-Hamrah and Al- Kusheh events are in any way closer. I see that there are hidden hands perverting national unity between Copts and Muslims."
7. Gilan Mohamed Abdel Aty
"On Friday 21st October 2005, I headed for Alexandria (we live in Cairo) with my husband Sami Mohamed Moses Afifi to visit his family, who live at Moharam Bey Street just next to Awlad Al-Sheik Mosque, and to spend the day there. My husband went for Friday prayer. We waited so long for his return and he did not even come back at Iftar (breakfast) time. Along with his family, I went looking out for him especially that we saw the demonstrations, only to find out that he was arrested after prayer. My husband has nothing to do with these incidents. He went only to pray."
Underlying Reasons
1. Security Forces Interference
All eyewitnesses and observers, Muslims or Christians, have laid the bulk of the blame on security forces. Many see that the security forces should cordon Awlad Al-Sheik Mosque off, thus preventing youth from getting in, has provoked them until the situation exploded. Those who hold this point of view argue that a similar demonstration was organised on previous Friday where neither the police nor the church was attacked. Security forces, they go on, could have avoided such dramatic situation as they could have contained demonstrators who were initially provoked before it was too late.
2. Ill-performing Government
Of note is how government, at all levels, has handled the whole crisis: Sometimes it would hush up the events, sometimes it would say they would just cool off by themselves, other times it would leave everything explode without the slightest interference. For example, right after the First Friday Events the government only organised an Iftar between the Grand Sheik of Al-Azhar and Alexandria Pope, thinking that would end everything. This is inefficient in a number of ways. Governmental media has also mishandled the events before they broke out and only reacted after Second Friday Events. Along similar lines, some national papers have handled the situation in quite a bizarre fashion. They poured scorn on independent papers that transcribed the play, and published completely irrelevant declarations by the Grand Sheik of Al-Azhar.
3. Slackening Religious Institutions
Both Al-Azhar and Church have failed to pin down the reasons that have led to exacerbating the situation. All they could do was organizing an Iftar between Grand Sheik of Al-Azhar and Alexandria Pope and issuing a joint communiqué, not to find out long-standing and real solutions so such events would not recur, but only sedatives. Whenever any similar events ebb on the surface, they are handled in much the same way without profound analysis of reasons that lead to their recurrence and even their escalating rates, especially that joint communiqués are not always well received by Muslims and Christians. On the one hand, Al-Azhar institution has become mere administrative bodies affiliated to the government thus losing Muslims' confidence and made Al-Azhar unable to contain the crisis. On the other hand, some Christian figures do not accept the status quo where the Church's role is confined to religion. The church, so their argument goes, should play a political and social role as well. This is made clear in the attempt to establish a link between Alexandria Events and the Parliamentary Elections and it is made even clearer in the Friday 14th October 2005 Declaration issued by the Meli (religious sect) Council.
5. Lack of Democracy
The political standstill state that the Egyptians now live in is one main reason behind the events of Alexandria. Weak political institutions and its inability to polarize citizens and raise their political awareness have only kept citizens loyal to their first religious affiliation. In such a case, individuals substitute their religious mantle for citizenry one. Accordingly, religious fanaticism prevails among citizens. Furthermore, lack of democracy, by which citizens can express themselves and practice their natural rights, is one main reason behind sedition outbreaks because extremism is a result of inability to express oneself and practice natural rights. Finally yet importantly, lack of democracy suppresses dialogue culture and denies the other, which in turn fossilizes and incapacitates society.
Recommendations
Finally, the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (EOHR) expresses her deepest concern and sorrow as to what has come out of the events of Alexandria. Therefore, EOHR calls upon the Egyptian government, in order to avoid such sectarian differences in the future, to adopt a rebuttal strategy whose components are as follows:
1. Creating a Religious Affairs Committee as part of People's Assembly. The Committee should include official representatives from the Ministries of Information, Education, Endowments, Interior as well as representatives from the Church, Al-Azhar, and Civil Society. The Committee shall undertake citizenry issues and suggest pragmatic solutions to help end incidental sectarian and doctrinal differences that ebb on the surface now and then, or any other problems arising between Muslims and Christians. The Committee shall also set unified rules in order to regulate building of worship places based upon specific criteria such as population density and geographical distribution. These rules should go in parallel with the revocation of the so-called Hamaionain Line Law that dates back to 1856 during the Ottoman reign. No permission is given, according to the aforesaid law, to build a church, an abbey, or even a cemetery, unless by the Sultan's consent. The law survived even after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.
Now the King should issue such permissions. Today, the President of the Republic issues such permissions. Revocation of the Hamaionain Law should also go in parallel with the revocation of the unfair Ten Administrative Conditions, in effect since 1933, to build churches. Along the same lines, the Presidential Decree 13 (1998) issued on Sunday, January 11th 2005 should likewise be revoked as it violates Article 40 of the Egyptian Constitution which article states that all citizens are equal regardless of their origin, race, religion, or faith. The aforesaid Presidential Decree does also violate Article 46 of the Egyptian Constitution that stresses freedom of belief which freedom is not fulfilled but for equality to freely build worship places, maintain, restore, and support them. The mere restoration of a restroom in a church may not be an issue of the governor's consideration, which is not the case in mosques where regulatory administrations of each district handle it. The decree authorizes governors to approve or refuse restoring and supporting (older) churches at their own discreet.
2. Releasing demonstrators immediately in accordance with the rights of free expression and opinion, and intellect and belief both of which are guaranteed by the Egyptian Constitution and international covenants pertaining to human rights. Security forces should also commit themselves to wisdom and avoid violence on handling sectarian differences: They should contain, not escalate, them.
3. Strictly prohibiting attack on all religions in accordance with Egyptian Constitution's Article 151 and international covenants.
4. Refreshing Christian and Muslim discourses in order to help propagate tolerance among all citizens and abandon bigoted discourses so respect prevails. Dialogue and discussion sessions should also be held periodically, continuously, and publicly between Muslims and Christians in order to discuss sectarian differences that ebb on the surface now and then and to admit mistakes on both sides.
5. Handling sectarian differences by the religious institutions i.e. Al-Azhar and the Church responsibly, clearly, and transparently so that no facts-obscuring takes place such as happened in the events of Alexandria. During these events, both Al-Azhar and the Church have obscured many facts. Worse, the Mufti announced that no such thing as I's Blind, Now I'm Enlightened ever existed; whereas the Orthodox Coptic Meli Council at Alexandria did not deny its existence in its statement on Friday October 14th 2005.
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